Foreign relations of Spain
The foreign relations of Spain could be constructed upon the foreign relations of the Hispanic Crown. The personal union of Castile and Aragon that ensued with the joint rule of the Catholic Monarchs was followed by the annexation of the Kingdom of Granada and the Kingdom of Navarre. The crown also built a large colonial empire in the Americas after the arrival of Columbus to the New World in 1492.
The Spanish Habsburg monarchs had large holdings across the European continent stemming from the inherited dominions of the Habsburg monarchy and from the Aragonese holdings in the Italian Peninsula. The Habsburg dynasty fought against the Protestant Reformation in the continent and achieved a dynastic unification of the realms of the Iberian Peninsula with their enthronement as Portuguese monarchs after 1580. The American colonies shipped bullion, but resources were spent in wars waged against France in Italy and elsewhere as well as in conflicts against the Ottoman Empire, England or revolts in the Spanish Netherlands, Portugal (lost after 1640) and Catalonia. Mainland Spain was the main theatre of the War of Spanish Succession (1701–1714), after which the Bourbon dynasty consolidated rule, while handing in holdings in Italy and the Netherlands. The successive Bourbon Family Compacts underpinned a close alignment with the Kingdom of France throughout the 18th century. During the Napoleonic Wars, Mainland Spain was occupied by the French Empire (which installed a puppet ruler), and became after an 1808 uprising the main theatre of the Peninsular War. Nearly all its colonies fought for and won independence in the early 19th century. From then on it kept Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines, otherwise lost in 1898 after the Spanish–American War, and, in line with far-reaching efforts by other European powers, Spain began to sustain a colonial presence in the African continent, most notably in Western Sahara and Equatorial Guinea. It also intervened in Nguyễn Vietnam alongside France and involved in the affairs of former colony Santo Domingo, which briefly returned to Spanish control. In the wake of the creation of a Spanish protectorate in Northern Morocco, the early 20th century saw a draining conflict against Riffian anti-colonial resistance. Spain stuck to a status of neutrality during World War I.
The Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939 became a proxy war between the axis powers Germany and Italy and the Soviet Union (which lost). The war ensued with the installment of a dictatorship under Francisco Franco lasting until 1975. In the aftermath of World War 2, the series of multilateral agreements and institutions configuring what it is known today as Western Europe were made apart from Francoist Spain. The 1953 military agreements with the United States entailed the acceptance of unprecedented conditions vis-à-vis the (peacetime) military installment of a foreign power on Spanish soil. Spain joined the UN in 1955 and the IMF in 1958. In the last rales of the dictator, the mismanaged decolonisation of Spanish Sahara ensued with the Moroccan invasion of the territory in 1975 and the purported partition of it between Morocco and Mauritania, spawning a protracted conflict pitting the Sahrawi national liberation Polisario Front against Morocco and (briefly) Mauritania lasting to this day. Spain joined NATO (1982) and entered the European Communities (1986).
On a wide range of issues, Spain often prefers to coordinate its efforts with its EU partners through the European political cooperation mechanisms.
In 218 BC the Romans invaded the Iberian peninsula, which later became the Roman province of Hispania. The Romans introduced the Latin language, the ancestor of both modern-day Spanish and Italian. The Iberian peninsula remained under Roman rule for over 600 years, until the collapse of the Western Roman Empire.
Charles V (1500–1558) inherited vast lands across Western Europe and the Americas, and expanded them by frequent wars. Among other domains he was King of Spain from 1516, and Holy Roman Emperor and Archduke of Austria from 1519. As head of the rising House of Habsburg during the first half of the 16th century, his dominions in Europe extending from Germany to northern Italy with direct rule over the Austrian hereditary lands and the Burgundian Low Countries, and a unified Spain with its southern Italian kingdoms of Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia. His great enemy on land was France, on the Mediterranean Sea it was the Ottoman Empire, which at times was allied with France. England and the Papacy were sometimes part of the coalition against him. Much of his attention focused on wars in Italy. At the Diet of Augsburg (1547) he secured recognition that the Netherlands belonged to the Hapsburg domain. However Charles was intensely Catholic and the northern Netherlands was Protestant. He and his Spanish heirs fought for a century against Dutch independence; despite the enormous cost they failed.
Philip II, 1556–1598
Philip III, 1598–1621
Philip III has a poor reputation in terms of both domestic and foreign policy. He inherited two major conflicts from his father. The first of these, the long-running Dutch revolt, represented a serious challenge to Spanish power from the Protestant United Provinces in a crucial part of the Spanish Empire. The second, the Anglo–Spanish War was a newer, and less critical conflict with Protestant England, marked by a Spanish failure to successfully bring its huge military resources to bear on the smaller English military.
Philip's own foreign policy can be divided into three phases. For the first nine years of his reign, he pursued a highly aggressive set of policies, aiming to deliver a 'great victory'. His instructions to his most important advisor Duke Lerma to wage a war of "blood and iron" on his rebellious subjects in the Netherlands reflects this. After 1609, when it became evident that Spain was financially exhausted and Philip sought a truce with the Dutch, there followed a period of retrenchment; in the background, tensions continued to grow, however, and by 1618 the policies of Philip's 'proconsols' were increasingly at odds with de Lerma's policy from Madrid.
War of the Spanish Succession and after 1701–1759
The War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714) saw Spain in a nearly helpless position as multiple European powers battled for control over which of three rivals would be king. At first most of the warfare took place outside of Spain. However, in 1704 Spain was invaded by the Germans (officially by the Holy Roman Empire including Habsburg Austria and Prussia, as well as other minor German states), Great Britain, the Dutch Republic, the Duchy of Savoy and Portugal. The invaders wanted to make the Habsburg candidate king instead of the incumbent Philip V who the grandson of France's powerful king Louis XIV and candidate of the House of Bourbon. Spain had no real army, but it defense was a high priority for Louis XIV who sent in his French armies and after a devastating civil war eventually drove out the invaders from Spain.
After years of warfare and changing coalitions, the final result was that Philip V remained king. In practice his wife Elisabeth Farnese ruled Spain from 1714 until 1746, and was more interested in Italy than Spain. Spain was not even invited to the peace treaties (Peace of Utrecht); they forbade any future possibility of unifying the French and Spanish crowns. Britain was the main winner; it blocked France from becoming too powerful. Britain acquired Minorca and Gibraltar from Spain, as well as the right to sell slaves to Spanish colonies. Britain also gained Newfoundland and Nova Scotia from France. Spain kept its American colonies but lost its European holdings in Italy and the Spanish Netherlands (modern Belgium), mostly to Austria. Spain briefly regained some Italian holdings until the British sank its fleet in 1718. Elisabeth Farnese succeeded in recapturing Naples and Sicily. She put her son on the throne there. He abdicated in 1759 to return to Madrid as King Charles III of Spain.
American Revolutionary War: 1775–1783
Eager to gain revenge on the British for its defeat during the Seven Years' War, France offered support to rebel American colonists seeking independence from Britain during the American War of Independence and in 1778 entered the war on their side. They then urged Spain to do the same, hoping the combined force would be strong enough to overcome the British Royal Navy and be able to invade England. In 1779 Spain joined the war, hoping to take advantage of a substantially weakened Britain. Distrustful of republics, Spain did not officially recognize the new United States of America.
A well-organised force under Bernardo de Galvez operating out of Spanish Louisiana launched repeated attacks on British colonies in the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico. They were easy winners against weak British garrisons, and were planning an expedition against Jamaica when peace was declared in 1783.
Spain's highest priority was to recapture Gibraltar from Britain using the Great Siege of Gibraltar. Despite a prolonged besiegement, the British garrison there was able to hold out until relieved and it remained in British hands following the Treaty of Paris. Unlike their French allies (for whom the war proved largely to be a disaster, financially and militarily) the Spanish made a number of territorial gains, recovering Florida and Menorca.
A neutral country during World War I, Spain was not invited to take part in the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, owing to the country's relative low profile in international affairs. It was however invited to join the League of Nations as a non-permanent member and it formally did so on 14 August 1919. During the so-called Wilsonian moment in international relations, forces adversarial to the Spanish State such as the Rifis vying for international recognition of their proto-republic and the Catalan separatist movement emboldened.
The Ibero-American vision
Spain has maintained its special identification with its fellow Spanish-speaking countries. Its policy emphasizes the concept of an Ibero-American community, essentially the renewal of the historically liberal concept of "Hispano-Americanismo" (or Hispanic as it is often referred to in English), which has sought to link the Iberian peninsula to the Spanish-speaking countries in Central and South America through language, commerce, history and culture. Spain has been an effective example of transition from dictatorship to democracy, as shown in the many trips that Spain's King and prime ministers have made to the region.
Trends in diplomatic relations
Spain maintains economic and technical cooperation programs and cultural exchanges with Latin American countries, both bilaterally and within the EU. During José María Aznar's government, Spanish relations worsened with countries like Mexico, Venezuela and Cuba, but were exceptionally good with others, like Colombia, the Dominican Republic and several Central American republics. José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero's victory in the 2004 general elections changed this setting. Despite long-standing close linguistic, economic and cultural relations with most of Latin America, some aspects of Spanish foreign policy during this time, such as its support for the Iraq War, were not supported or widely favored.
Spain has gradually begun to broaden its contacts with Sub-Saharan Africa. It has a particular interest in its former colony of Equatorial Guinea, where it maintains a large aid program. More recently, it has sought closer relation with Senegal, Mauritania, Mali and others to find solutions for the issue of illegal immigration to the Canary Islands.
In the Middle East, Spain is known as a broker between powers. In its relations with the Arab world, Spain frequently supports Arab positions on Middle East issues. The Arab countries are a priority interest for Spain because of oil and gas imports and because several Arab nations have substantial investments in Spain.
Spain has been successful in managing its relations with its three immediate European neighbours, France, Andorra, and Portugal. The accession of Spain and Portugal to the EU in 1986 has helped ease some of their periodic trade frictions by putting these into an EU context. Franco-Spanish bilateral cooperation has been enhanced by joint action against recurring violence by separatist Basque group ETA since the 1960s. Ties with the United Kingdom are generally good, although the question of Gibraltar remains a sensitive issue, especially since the UK vote on Brexit.
Today, Spain is trying to expand its still narrow relations with East Asian nations, with China, Japan and South Korea as its main points of interest in the region. Thailand and Indonesia are Spain's main allies in the ASEAN region, having a considerable number of agreements and a very good relationship. In the recent years Spain has also been boosting its contacts, relations and investment in other Asian countries, most notably Vietnam and Malaysia. Relations with the Philippines are, despite a very long colonial past, considerably weaker than the ones Spain has with other countries in the area, dealing mostly with cultural aspects and humanitarian assistance programs.
Whilst the disputed on Gibraltar with Great Britain is the best known territorial dispute of Spain, the country also has disputes with Portugal and Morocco.
With Great Britain
Ever since it was captured in 1704 by Anglo-Dutch forces during the War of the Spanish Succession, Gibraltar has been the subject of a dispute between Britain and Spain. Situated at the southern tip of the Iberian peninsula, overseeing the Strait of Gibraltar which connects the Atlantic Ocean with the Mediterranean Sea, the territory has great strategic importance. Today, Gibraltar is a British Overseas Territory and houses an important base for the British Armed Forces.
The strategic position of the Strait of Gibraltar has left a legacy of a number of sovereignty disputes. These include the "five places of sovereignty" (plazas de soberanía) on and off the coast of Morocco: the coastal enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, which Morocco contests, as well as the islands of Peñon de Alhucemas, Peñon de Vélez de la Gomera, and Islas Chafarinas. Spain maintains sovereignty over Ceuta, Melilla, Peñon de Velez de la Gomera, Alhucemas and the Chafarinas Islands (captured following the Christian reconquest of Spain) based upon historical grounds, security reasons and on the basis of the UN principle of territorial integrity. Spain also maintains that the majority of residents are Spanish. Morocco claims these territories on the basis of the UN principles of decolonisation, territorial integrity and that Spanish arguments for the recovery of Gibraltar substantiate Morocco's claim.
Olivenza (Spanish) or Olivença (Portuguese) is a town and seat of a municipality, on a disputed section of the border between Portugal and Spain, which is claimed de jure by both countries and administered de facto as part of the Spanish autonomous community of Extremadura. The population is 80% ethnic Portuguese and 30% of Portuguese language. Olivenza/Olivença was under continuous Portuguese sovereignty since 1297 until it was occupied by the Spanish in 1801 and formally ceded by Portugal later that year by the Treaty of Badajoz. Spain claims the de jure (legal) sovereignty over Olivenza/Olivença on the grounds that the Treaty of Badajoz still stands and has never been revoked. Thus, the border between the two countries in the region of Olivenza/Olivença should be as demarcated by that treaty. Portugal claims the de jure sovereignty over Olivenza/Olivença on the grounds that the Treaty of Badajoz was revoked by its own terms (the breach of any of its articles would lead to its cancellation) when Spain invaded Portugal in the Peninsular War of 1807.
Portugal further bases its case on Article 105 of the Treaty of Vienna of 1815, which Spain signed in 1817, that states that the winning countries are to "endeavour with the mightiest conciliatory effort to return Olivenza/Olivença to Portuguese authority". Thus, the border between the two countries in the region of Olivenza/Olivença should be as demarcated by the Treaty of Alcanizes of 1297. Spain interprets Article 105 as not being mandatory on demanding Spain to return Olivenza/Olivença to Portugal, thus not revoking the Treaty of Badajoz. Portugal has never made a formal claim to the territory after the Treaty of Vienna, but has equally never directly acknowledged the Spanish sovereignty over Olivenza/Olivença. Portugal continues to claim Olivenza/Olivença, asserting that under the Vienna Treaty of 1815, Spain recognized the Portuguese claims as "legitimate". The historic disputes with Portugal over the Savage Islands in the Atlantic Ocean were resolved in recent times.
|Country||Date formal relations began||Notes|
|Algeria||See Algeria–Spain relations|
|Angola||19 October 1977||See Angola–Spain relations |
|Burkina Faso||See Burkina Faso–Spain relations|
|Cameroon||See Cameroon–Spain relations |
|Chad||See Chad–Spain relations |
|Côte d'Ivoire||See Ivory Coast–Spain relations |
|Democratic Republic of the Congo||See Democratic Republic of the Congo–Spain relations |
|Egypt||See Egypt–Spain relations |
|Equatorial Guinea||12 October 1968||See Equatorial Guinea–Spain relations|
|Ethiopia||See Ethiopia–Spain relations |
|Gambia||See Gambia–Spain relations |
|Gabon||See Gabon–Spain relations |
|Ghana||See Ghana–Spain relations |
|Guinea||See Guinea–Spain relations |
|Guinea-Bissau||See Guinea-Bissau–Spain relations |
|Kenya||See Kenya–Spain relations |
|Liberia||See Liberia–Spain relations|
|Libya||See Libya–Spain relations |
|Mali||See Mali–Spain relations |
|Mauritania||See Mauritania–Spain relations|
|Morocco||See Morocco–Spain relations |
Spain has several interests in Morocco. This is dictated by geographic proximity and long historical contacts, as well as by the two Spanish enclave cities of Ceuta and Melilla on the northern coast of Africa. While Spain's departure from its former colony of Western Sahara ended direct Spanish participation in Morocco, it maintains an interest in the peaceful resolution of the conflict brought about there by decolonization. These issues were highlighted by a crisis in 2002, when Spanish forces evicted a small contingent of Moroccans from a tiny islet off Morocco's coast following that nation's attempt to assert sovereignty over the Spanish island.
|Mozambique||See Mozambique–Spain relations |
|Namibia||See Namibia–Spain relations |
|Niger||See Niger–Spain relations |
|Nigeria||See Nigeria–Spain relations|
|Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic||See Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic–Spain relations|
|Senegal||See Senegal–Spain relations |
|South Africa||See South Africa–Spain relations|
|Sudan||See Spain–Sudan relations |
|Tunisia||See Spain–Tunisia relations |
|Country||Date formal relations began||Notes|
|Antigua and Barbuda||See Antigua and Barbuda–Spain relations |
|Argentina||1863||See Argentina–Spain relations |
|Bahamas||See Bahamas–Spain relations|
|Barbados||See Barbados–Spain relations|
|Belize||13 January 1989||See Belize–Spain relations |
|Bolivia||1847||See Bolivia–Spain relations |
A diplomatic crisis with Bolivia in 2005 due to a misunderstanding was quickly resolved by Zapatero and Spain became the first European country visited by Evo Morales on January 4, 2006. However, there remain problems surrounding the exploitation of oil and gas fields in the country by Spanish corporations like Repsol.
Bolivian President Evo Morales met King Juan Carlos and held talks with Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero during a visit to Spain in September 2009 with the intention of resolving issues concerning the nationalisation of the Bolivian energy sector. The move has the potential to hurt some Spanish companies however relations were said to be "positive" between the Bolivian state and Spanish private sector energy companies. Evo Morales said that Bolivia is ready to accept outside investment in its energy and natural resource industries as long as foreign firms do not act as owners and that Bolivia is "looking for investment, be it from private or state sector. We want partners, not owners of our natural resources."
It was suggested that Bolivia would also negotiate with Spanish companies to produce car parts and lithium batteries in the future.
|Brazil||1834||See Brazil–Spain relations|
|Canada||July 1935||See Canada–Spain relations|
|Chile||1844||See Chile–Spain relations |
Both nations are members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.
|Colombia||1881||See Colombia–Spain relations|
|Costa Rica||10 May 1850||See Costa Rica–Spain relations|
|Cuba||1902||See Cuba–Spain relations|
|Dominican Republic||1855||See Dominican Republic–Spain relations|
|Ecuador||1840||See Ecuador–Spain relations |
|El Salvador||24 June 1865||See El Salvador–Spain relations|
|Guatemala||1838||See Guatemala–Spain relations|
|Haiti||1 April 1939||See Haiti–Spain relations|
|Honduras||17 November 1894||See Honduras–Spain relations|
|Jamaica||See Jamaica–Spain relations |
|Mexico||26 December 1836||See Mexico–Spain relations |
|Nicaragua||20 March 1851||See Nicaragua–Spain relations|
|Panama||May 1904||See Panama–Spain relations|
|Paraguay||10 September 1880||See Paraguay–Spain relations |
|Peru||1879||See Peru–Spain relations |
|Trinidad and Tobago||See Spain–Trinidad and Tobago relations |
|United States||See Spain–United States relations |
Under the government of José María Aznar, Spain developed exceptionally good relations with the US, in great part due to the personal empathy between Aznar and George W. Bush. Following Zapatero's decision to withdraw Spanish troops from Iraq immediately after the 2004 general elections, relations predictably soured, although important commercial links remained intact. When elected, President Barack Obama expressed his wish to enhance cooperation between both countries, especially in policies like the Green Energy plan from Zapatero, introducing the AVE (the Spanish High Speed Train) in United States  and aiding US by receiving in Spanish prisons Guantanamo Prison detainees 
|Uruguay||19 July 1870||See Spain–Uruguay relations |
|Venezuela||1846||See Spain–Venezuela relations|
|Country||Date formal relations began||Notes|
|Afghanistan||See Afghanistan–Spain relations |
|Armenia||See Armenia–Spain relations |
|Azerbaijan||See Azerbaijan–Spain relations |
|Bahrain||See Bahrain–Spain relations|
|Bangladesh||See Bangladesh–Spain relations|
|Bhutan||See Bhutan–Spain relations|
|China||See China–Spain relations|
|East Timor|| |
|Georgia||See Georgia–Spain relations |
|India||1956||See India–Spain relations|
|Indonesia||See Indonesia–Spain relations |
|Iran||See Iran–Spain relations |
|Iraq||See Iraq–Spain relations |
|Israel||1975||See Israel–Spain relations|
|Japan||12 November 1868||See Japan–Spain relations|
|Jordan||See Jordan–Spain relations |
|Kazakhstan||11 February 1992||See Kazakhstan–Spain relations|
|Kuwait||See Kuwait–Spain relations |
|Lebanon||See Lebanon–Spain relations |
|Malaysia||12 May 1967||See Malaysia–Spain relations |
|North Korea||7 February 2001||See North Korea–Spain relations |
|Pakistan||See Pakistan–Spain relations |
Pakistan and Spain enjoy extremely cordial and friendly ties. Relations were established in the late 1950s. Pakistanis form the largest Asian immigrant community in Spain.
|Philippines||See Philippines–Spain relations |
Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo concluded her second state visit in Spain in July 2006, bringing back millions of dollars of Spanish investments, particularly in Tourism and Information Technology. The Spanish king, Juan Carlos I, also reiterated in Mrs. Arroyo's visit, his support for her project in the Philippines to re-establish Spanish as an official language in the country. He and his wife, Queen Sofia attended the 1998 centennial celebrations in Manila, commemorating 100 years of independence from Spain. The mediation of King Juan Carlos I is said to have produced the pardon and liberation of two Filipina domestic workers sentenced to death in Kuwait and the UAE.
|Qatar||See Qatar–Spain relations |
|Saudi Arabia||See Saudi Arabia–Spain relations|
|South Korea||7 March 1950||See South Korea–Spain relations |
The establishment of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Korea and the Kingdom of Spain began on 7 March 1950.
|Taiwan||See Spain–Taiwan relations|
|Tajikistan||4 August 1992|| |
|Thailand||See Spain–Thailand relations |
|Turkey||See Spain–Turkey relations |
|United Arab Emirates||See Spain–United Arab Emirates relations |
|Uzbekistan||See Spain–Uzbekistan relations |
|Vietnam||See Spain–Vietnam relations |
|Yemen||See Spain–Yemen relations|
|Country||Date formal relations began||Notes|
|Albania||12 September 1986||See Albania-Spain relations|
|Andorra||See Andorra–Spain relations|
|Austria||See Austria–Spain relations|
|Belarus||13 February 1992||See Belarus–Spain relations |
|Belgium||See Belgium–Spain relations|
|Bosnia and Herzegovina||See Bosnia and Herzegovina–Spain relations |
|Bulgaria||8 May 1810||See also Bulgaria–Spain relations |
|Croatia||9 March 1992||See Croatia–Spain relations |
|Cyprus||See Cyprus–Spain relations|
|Czech Republic||See Czech Republic–Spain relations|
|Denmark||See Denmark–Spain relations|
|Estonia||See Estonia–Spain relations|
|Finland||16 August 1918||See Finland–Spain relations|
|France||See France–Spain relations |
|Germany||See Germany–Spain relations |
|Greece||See Greece–Spain relations |
Both countries maintain enhanced cooperation on the serious problem of illegal migration, which they have in common. The need for effective confrontation of the illegal migration pressures on both states in the Mediterranean basin have led to close cooperation both bilaterally and within the framework of the European Union.
|Holy See||1530||See Holy See–Spain relations|
|Hungary||See Hungary–Spain relations|
|Iceland||See Iceland–Spain relations|
|Ireland||1924||See Ireland–Spain relations|
|Italy||See Italy–Spain relations |
Both countries established diplomatic relations after the unification of Italy. Relations between Italy and Spain have remained strong and affable for centuries owing to various political, cultural, and historical connections between the two nations. In the Early modern period, southern and insular Italy came under Spanish control, having been previously a domain of the Crown of Aragon. This extended period of foreign domination left marked influences in the modern southern Italian dialects. During the Spanish civil war, the Corps of Volunteer Troops, a fascist expeditionary force from Italy, supported the Nationalist forces led by Francisco Franco. It's estimated that around 75,000 Italians fought in the war.
|Latvia||See Latvia–Spain relations|
|Lithuania||See Lithuania–Spain relations|
|Luxembourg||See Luxembourg–Spain relations|
|Malta||1977||See Malta–Spain relations|
|Moldova||30 January 1992||See Moldova–Spain relations |
|Monaco||See Monaco–Spain relations |
|Montenegro||See Montenegro–Spain relations|
|Netherlands||See Netherlands–Spain relations|
|North Macedonia||See North Macedonia–Spain relations|
|Norway||See Norway–Spain relations|
|Poland||See Poland–Spain relations|
|Portugal||See Portugal–Spain relations |
Portugal's copy of the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) divided the New World between Portugal and Castile. During the 15th century, Portugal built increasingly large fleets of ships and began to explore the world beyond Europe, sending explorers to Africa and Asia. Castile followed suit decades later. Following the first Spanish voyage of Christopher Columbus to the Caribbean in 1492, both states began acquiring territory in the New World. As a result of the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, Portugal acquired its most potentially important colony, Brazil (much of the South American continent), as well as a number of possessions in Africa and Asia, while Castile took the rest of South America and much of the North American continent as well as a number of possessions in Africa, Oceanía and Asia as the important colony of the Philippines. This line of demarcation was about halfway between the Cape Verde Islands (already Portuguese) and the islands claimed for Castile by Columbus on his first voyage. Although the Treaty of Tordesillas attempted to clarify their empires, many subsequent treaties were needed to establish the modern boundaries of Brazil and the 1529 Treaty of Zaragoza was needed to demarcate their Asian possessions.
Henry of Portugal, reigned until his death (31 January 1580). He lacked heirs and his death triggered a succession crisis, where the main claimants to the throne were Philip II of Spain and Anthony, Prior of Crato. After the Spanish victory in the War of Portuguese Succession Philip of Spain was crowned king of Portugal in 1581, beginning a personal union between the two nations known as the Iberian Union generating a decline of the Portuguese Empire during the period of Union. The Iberian Union lasted for almost sixty years until 1640, when the Portuguese Restoration War was initiated against Spain and Portugal reestablished the Portuguese dynasty under the Bragança.
Relations between Portugal and Spain are also good. They cooperate in the fight against drug trafficking and tackling forest fires (common in the Iberian Peninsula in summers), for example. These close relations are facilitated by similar governments: the government of conservative Spanish PM José María Aznar coincided with the government of also conservative José Manuel Durão Barroso in Portugal; today, both José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero of Spain and José Sócrates of Portugal are socialists.
Portugal also holds claim to the disputed territory of Olivença in the Portuguese-Spanish border.
|Romania||5 January 1967||See Romania–Spain relations |
|Russia||1520||See Russia–Spain relations |
Spain and the Grand Duchy of Moscow first exchanged envoys in the 1520s; regular embassies were established in 1722. Soviet-Spanish relations, once terminated after the Spanish Civil War, were gradually reestablished since 1963 and fully established in 1977. Trade between two countries amounts to two billion Euros (2008); in March 2009 two countries signed an energy agreement providing national energy companies access to other party's domestic markets.
|Serbia||14 October 1916||See Serbia–Spain relations |
|Slovakia||See Slovakia–Spain relations|
|Slovenia||See Slovenia–Spain relations|
|Sweden||See Spain–Sweden relations|
|Switzerland||See Spain–Switzerland relations |
|Ukraine||30 January 1992||See Spain–Ukraine relations |
|United Kingdom||See Spain–United Kingdom relations |
During the 16th century (1500–1599), there were complex political, commercial, and cultural connections that linked the large powerful Spanish Empire under the Habsburgs with a small but ambitious England. The Habsburgs sought allies against France. Both countries were constantly in turmoil and it was a love-hate relationship. The marriage of sovereigns –Philip II and Mary Tudor– in 1554 was the high point in a century of negotiations, wars and treaties. Philip and Mary got along personally, but there were no children and their retainers displayed mistrust and the marriage lacked in ceremonies and entertainments. The death of Queen Mary brought Queen Elizabeth to the throne, and the two friendly nations became hostile enemies.
|Country||Date formal relations began||Notes|
|Australia||26 October 1967||See Australia–Spain relations|
|Federated States of Micronesia|| |
The FS of Micronesia were once part of the Spanish East Indies.
|Kiribati||See Kiribati–Spain relations|
|Marshall Islands||See Marshall Islands–Spain relations |
The Marshall Islands were once part of the Spanish East Indies.
|New Zealand||28 March 1969||See New Zealand–Spain relations|
|Palau||See Palau–Spain relations |
Palau was once part of the Spanish East Indies.
|Papua New Guinea|| |
|Samoa||5 November 1980|| |
|Solomon Islands||See Solomon Islands–Spain relations|
- History of Spain
- France–Spain relations
- Italy–Spain relations
- Portugal–Spain relations
- Russia–Spain relations
- Spain–Turkey relations
- Spain–United Kingdom relations
- Spain–United States relations
- List of diplomatic missions in Madrid
- List of diplomatic missions in Spain
- Spanish Institute for Foreign Trade
- ^ Viñas, Ángel (1986). "Soberanía nacional y pactos militares: El caso de España" (PDF). Revista de Estudios Internacionales: 10.
- ^ Viñas 1986, p. 12.
- ^ Viñas 1986, pp. 10–11.
- ^ Geoffrey Parker, Emperor: A New Life of Charles V (2019) excerpt
- ^ Karl Brandi, The Emperor Charles V: the growth and destiny of a man and of a world-empire (1971) online
- ^ Patrick Williams, The Great Favourite: the Duke of Lerma and the court and government of Philip III of Spain, 1598–1621 (Manchester UP, 2006).
- ^ Williams, p. 125
- ^ Williams, p.10.
- ^ Paul C. Allen, Philip III and the Pax Hispanica: The Failure of Grand Strategy (Yale UP: 2000)
- ^ John Lynch, Bourbon Spain 1700–1808 (1989) pp 22–77.
- ^ J.S. Bromley, ed. The New Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 6: The Rise of Great Britain and Russia, 1688-1715/25 (1979), pp 343–380, 410–445.
- ^ Lynch, Bourbon Spain 1700–1808 (1989) pp 110–113, 125, 131–133, 193–195, 247.
- ^ Henry Kamen, Empire: How Spain Became a World Power, 1492-1763 (2004) pp. 442–454.
- ^ Thomas E. Chávez, Spain and the Independence of the United States (U. New Mexico Press, 2002) pp 213–222.
- ^ René Chartrand, Gibraltar 1779–83: The great siege (Osprey, 2006).
- ^ Chávez, Spain and the Independence of the United States (U. New Mexico Press, 2002) pp 198–212.
- ^ Richard B. Morris, The Peacemakers: The Great Powers and American Independence (1965).
- ^ a b c Dalmau, Pol (2022). "Catalans and Rifis during the Wilsonian Moment: The Quest for Self-Determination in the Post-Versailles World". Contemporary European History. doi:10.1017/S0960777321000680. Archived from the original on 7 March 2022. Retrieved 6 April 2022.
- ^ Richard Youngs, "Spain, Latin America and Europe: the complex interaction of regionalism and cultural identification." Mediterranean Politics 5.2 (2000): 107–128.
- ^ Richard Gillespie, "Spain and the Mediterranean: Southern sensitivity, European aspirations." Mediterranean Politics 1.2 (1996): 193-211.
- ^ "Third enlargement: Spain and Portugal". cvce.eu. 8 August 2017. Retrieved 17 April 2021.
On 1 January 1986, Spain and Portugal acceded to the European Economic Community, which thus became the ‘Europe of the Twelve’.
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